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Kennedy Watergate Iran-Contra Nazis conspiracy

   
          "The true strength of rulers and empires lies not in armies or 
        emotions, but in the belief of men that they are inflexibly open
        and truthful and legal.   As  soon  as a government departs from 
        that standard,  it  ceases to be anything more than 'the gang in 
        possession', and its days are numbered."
                                                           - H.G. Wells



   
        25 years of on-going coverup, lies,  deceit, and treason.  Balance
     this against 41 years of treachery,  and you will begin to appreciate
     the nature and extent of  the  most  important  constitutional crisis 
     confronting us since  the  civil  war.   There  have been three major 
     "scandals" in post-WWII Amercia:   President Kennedy's assassination,
     Watergate,  and  Iran-Contra.   I  argue they are all symptoms of the  
     same problem:  the ongoing growth and ever-expanding influence of the
     National  Security  State  of  America,  which  began in earnest when
     President  Truman  signed  the  National Security Act of 1947  which,
     among other things, formalized the structure of the U.S. intelligence
     community as we know it today.  
        General Reinhard Gehlen,  Hitler's  chief of intelligence for cen-
     tral and eastern  Europe, "surrendered" himself to us in 1945.  Allen
     Dulles,  working for the O.S.S. in Berne, Switzerland since 1943, had
     been negotiating with  high-ranking  Nazis like SS General Karl Wolfe
     since 1943 for secret surrender plans  that  included enticing offers 
     to the Western Allies like espionage information, as well as attempts
     to create  alibis  that downplayed the German officer's participation 
     in war crimes and genocide.  Soon after the war was over,  Dulles was
     instrumental  in  illegally  sneaking Gehlen into the U.S. wearing an 
     American General's uniform, and then,  along with industrialists like
     Herbert  Hoover,  Gehlen  with his experience, "helped" us design and
     implement the structure of our own intelligence command organization.  
        Such secret,  illegal "appropriations" of high-level Nazis were by
     no means limited to Gehlen.  Among the most treacherous and nefarious
     others were: SS officer Otto A. Von Bolschwing, Adolf Eichmann's tea-
     cher concerning  Jewry and Zionism;  Wernher Von Braun, and his mili-
     tary superior General Walter  Dornberger,  responsible for the deaths
     of  more  than  20,000 slave laborers who were worked to death at the
     Nordhausen concentration camp--the second rocket production facility;
     Klaus Barbie,  the butcher of Lyons;  German  diplomat Gustav Hilger, 
     who,  among  his other duties at the Nazi foreign office, coordinated 
     the operations  of  the  dreaded SS Einsatzgruppen murder squads that 
     were  responsible  for  the largest wholesale atrocities and genocide 
     committed against people in Eastern Europe and Russia.  
        These men and many others,  had been our mortal enemies.  But with
     the end of WWII,  and the beginning of WWIII (some call this the Cold
     War), war became peace,  enemies became valuable assets,  and friends
     became  faceless  enemies bent on our annihilation.   This was accom-
     plished in large part via our own  budding  invisible  government  of
     non-elected,  behind-the-scenes manipulators,  propagandists,  spies, 
     agent provacateurs,  assassins,  "defense  intellectual  careerists", 
     powerful industrialists and financiers, and a  host  of  good-meaning
     men like Truman who did not understand  the long-term impilcations of 
     what they were giving sanction and legality to.
        The three most famous scandals  mentioned above are the overt sur-
     facing from time to time of this government-by-covert-means.  But the
     primary one is unquestionably the  Kennedy  assassination as this was 
     the first time the National Security State declared itself openly and 
     wrested  control of America's agenda away from a man who was attempt-
     ing to move beyond the Cold War,  stop  nuclear  proliferation,  ease 
     tensions with our primary  adversary, find a way out of the morass of 
     Vietnam, and redirect the industrial might of our country away from a
     permanent  warfare  economy  and  toward  a more globally co-existive 
     footing.  
        There  has   never  been a trial for the  President's murder.  The 
     murder of Oswald made it easy to avoid  having to prove in a court of 
     law that he had in fact  pulled  the trigger of the rifle that killed 
     the president.   The "evidence" the Warren Commission used to indict,
     convict,  and  posthumously  sentence  Oswald,  centering  around the 
     fantastical and  physically  impossible scenario of the single bullet 
     "theory",  would  never  have  stood  up under cross-examination in a 
     court of law.
        As  long as we as a nation continue to attempt to live by the lies
     of  our  collective  past,  we will continue to see the certain slide
     into darkness that looms larger each year.   The it-can't-happen-here
     school of thought is the most  blinding of all  diversions.   If  you 
     are concerned  about our National Security State's growing influence,
     and  would   like  more  information  about  it,  please  contact the
     Mae Brussell Research Center, P.O. Box 8431, Santa Cruz, CA, 95061.
        Some people will complain that this lament is too long.  Sadly, it
     is much too short.   The subject matter discussed is massive and this
     is one of the main reasons  people  are  still  misinformed about the 
     events of 25 years ago.


                              
        What  follows  are  exerpts  from  two different manuscripts.  The 
     authors are L. Fletcher Prouty, and Roger Craig.
        L. Fletcher Prouty worked  closely with the CIA and other intelli-
     gence services for more than 30 years.   A pilot during WWII, he per-
     sonally flew Roosevelt to the Cairo and Tehran  conferences,  as well
     as  flying  dozens  of  high-level Nazis out of eastern europe at the 
     close of the war.   After  the war Mr Prouty rose through the Defense
     Department  chain  of command to a point where all of the CIA's mili-
     tary activities were channeled through him.
        Between 1955 and 1963, Mr Prouty served as chief of special opera-
     tions for  the  Joint  Chiefs of Staff and in a similar capacity with
     the  Office  of  Special Operations of the Office of the Secretary of
     Defense.   He  also  headed the Special Operations Office of the U.S. 
     Air Force.  Each of these positions was charged with military support
     of the clandestine operations of the CIA.
        In 1973,  Mr.  Prouty's  book,  "The Secret Team,  The CIA and Its 
     Allies in Control of the United States and the World", was published.
     Book  critics  called  it a "a blockbuster" and said that it "reveals 
     more of the CIA's history,  its  clandestine  operations  and  adroit 
     cover-up tactics than any previously published book on the subject."
        Not being a CIA  man,  Mr.  Prouty  was  exempt  from  taking  the 
     agency's oath of secrecy.   His privileged position gave him far more
     knowledge  of   CIA   activities   than  almost  all  members of that 
     organization.
        Roger Craig was a police  officer in the Dallas Police Department.
     He was in  Dealey  plaza On November 22 and among other things, saw a 
     man he is  certain  was Oswald at about 12:41, running down the grass
     from the Book  Depository to a slow-moving Rambler station wagon com-
     ing down  Elm  Street  driven by a husky looking Latin.  He describes 
     reporting  this  pick-up soon after to a man on the steps of the Book
     Depository  building  identifying  himself as a Secret Service agent.
     There was at least one other police officer who describes confronting
     a man  up  behind  the  stockade fence at the top of the grassy knoll 
     immediately  after  the  assassination  who  also flashed credentials 
     identifying  himself as a Secret Service man.  Footprints of the con-
     spiracy that  murdered  President  Kennedy and then covered it up are 
     visible  here  when  the facts show that there were no Secret Service 
     personnel of any kind who were stationed in Dealey Plaza that day.

        The  first  exerpts  are from Mr. Prouty.   They come from a manu-
     script yet to be published as a book.  They were originally published
     in the April/May 1987 issue of Freedom magazine.  
        The second exerpts of Mr Craig come from  a  manuscript written in
     1971 titled, "When They Kill A President".
     


   
      ...the swing through Texas by the president and the vice president 
   directly contradicted a long-standing  Secret Service taboo on events 
   that brought both men together in public appearances.
      [Once in Dallas,] we begin to notice that  many things which ought 
   to have  been  done, as a matter of standard security procedure, were 
   not done.  These omissions cannot do otherwise  than to show the hand
   of  the  plotters  and  the  undeniable fact that they were operating
   among the highest levels of government in order to be able to use the
   channels necessary to arrange such things covertly.
      By 1963,  the Secret Service had many decades of experience in the
   task of protecting  presidents.   There were many ironclad procedures 
   and policies which had been established ever since the Secret Service
   was given  protection of the president and his family as its main re-
   sponsibility by Congress,  following  the  assassination of President 
   William McKinley in 1901.
      Because the Secret Service is a relatively small organization,  it
   has  been  customary  for  it  to  call  upon local police, the local
   sheriff's office,  state police,  the  National Guard and the regular
   military establishment for assistance as necessary.
      There  is  even  a  special  course  called  "protection"  for the
   personnel of selected military  units  to  familiarize them with this 
   responsibility.   In this day of high technology it has become a pro-
   fession of great precision and expertise.
      In  the  bureaucracy,  it  is  more  difficult to arrange for some
   office not to perform its duties than to let them do it.  Such duties
   are automatic and built into the system.  Therefore,  when  some  re-
   sponsible unit does not perform its duties, it is a signal that some-
   thing  highly  unusual  has  occurred.  In the case of the killing of 
   President Kennedy, certain key people had been told they would not be
   needed in  Dallas.   Some  were told not to do certain things,  while 
   others were simply left out.
      Speaking generally, it is not always easy to obtain positive proof
   of a conspiracy,  even  when many facts point to its existence.   The
   power of  the  conspirators  may  be such that they can squelch usual 
   legal procedures.   Thus the public, if it is to know the truth, must
   discover what happened from details and circumstantial  material that
   supports the case.  Then, from whatever valid evidence becomes avail-
   able, the public can eventually  determine the nature of the conspir-
   acy and the identity of the cabal.
      More than 120  years  ago,  Special Judge Advocate John A. Bingham 
   observed that "A conspiracy  is  rarely,  if ever, proved by positive 
   testimony....  Unless  one  of  the original conspirators betrays his 
   companions and gives evidence against them, their guilt can be proved
   only by circumstantial  evidence.  It is said by some writers on evi-
   dence that such circumstances  are  stronger  than positive proof.  A 
   witness  swearing  positively  may  misrepresent  the  facts or swear 
   falsely,  but the circumstances cannot lie."  (Special Judge Advocate 
   John A Bingham,  "The Trial of the  Conspirators",  Washington, D.C., 
   1865, cited in "The Pope and the new Apocalypse, S.D. Mumford, 1986)
      In  something  as  routine  as the providing of protection for the 
   president during a  parade  through a major U.S. city such as Dallas, 
   the fact of variations in the routine can reveal the presence and the
   skill of  the  plotters.   Let us review certain facts concerning the 
   events surrounding President Kennedy's death.
      The  Warren  Report  contains  testimony  by Forest Sorrels of the
   Secret Service.   Sorrels says that he and a Mr. Lawson of the Dallas
   Police  Department  selected  "the  best route ... to  take  him [the 
   president] to the Trade  Mart from Love Field."  This is a legitimate 
   task.  But was the route Sorrels  chose truly the "best route" from a
   security standpoint?  Why was that specific route chosen?
      The  route  chosen  by  Sorrels  and  the Dallas police involved a
   90-degree  turn  from  Main  Street  to  Houston  Street, and an even 
   sharper [120-degree] turn from Houston to Elm Street.
      These turns required that the president's car be brought to a very
   slow speed  in  a  part  of  town  where high buildings dominated the
   route.  That was an  extremely  dangerous area.  Yet Sorrels told the 
   Warren Commission this "was the  most direct route from there and the 
   most  rapid  route  to  the Trade Mart." What Sorrels did not say was 
   that such  sharp turns and high buildings made the route unsafe.  Why 
   did he and the police accept that hazardous route?
      President  Kennedy  was shot on Elm Street just after his car made 
   that slow turn from  Houston.  This has been considered by many to be
   a crucial piece of evidence  that  there  was  a  plot  to murder the 
   president.  It is considered  crucial  because the route was selected
   by  the  Secret  Service  contrary to policy and because this obvious 
   discrepancy  has  been  covered up by the Warren Report and all other 
   investigations since then.  The conclusion that has been made is that
   it  was  part  of the plot devised by the murderers, that they had to 
   create an ideal ambush site.  The Elm Street corner was it.
      Furthermore,  no  matter what route was selected for the presiden-
   tial  motorcade,  the  Secret  Service  and  its trained augmentation
   should have provided airtight protection all the way.   This they did
   not even attempt to do, and  this  serious  omission tends to provide
   strong evidence of the work of the conspirators.
      According to the Secret Service's own guidelines, when a presiden-
   tial motorcade can be kept moving at 40 miles an  hour  or faster (in
   most  locales),  it is not necessary to provide additional protection
   along  the  way.   However,  when  the  motorcade must travel at slow  
   speeds, it is  essential  that  there  be protection personnel on the 
   ground,  in  buildings, and on top of buildings.  They provide essen-
   tial  surveillance.   Protection  personnel can order all the windows  
   sealed and can station men to ensure they stay closed.
      None of these  things were done in Dallas.  Incredibly, there were
   no  Secret  Service  men  or other protection personnel at all in the 
   area of the Elm Street slowdown zone.
      How could  this have  happened?   It is documented that the Secret
   Service  men  in  Fort  Worth  were  told they would not be needed in 
   Dallas.   The commander of an Army unit, specially trained in protec-
   tion and based in nearby San Antonio, Texas, had been told he and his
   men  would  not  be needed in Dallas.   "Another Army unit will cover 
   that city," the commander was told.  There were no Secret Service men
   on the roofs of any buildings in the area.  There had been no precau-
   tions taken to see that all the windows  overlooking the parade route
   in this slowdown zone had been closed, and kept closed.
      The man alleged to have killed the president is said to have fired
   three shots from an open window on  the  sixth  floor of the building 
   directly above the sharp corner of Houston Street and Elm Street.
      The availability of  that  "gunman's lair",  if it was occupied at 
   all,  violated  basic  rules  of  protection.  It overlooked the spot 
   where  the  car  was  going  slow.   It  had open windows.  No Secret 
   Service men were covering that  big  building,  and no Secret Service 
   men were on the roofs of adjacent buildings to observe such lairs.
      Why  did  the  Secret  Service  do everything wrong, or omit doing 
   things that were normal and were required for protection?   Had  they 
   actually been told they were not needed?  If so, who had the power to
   tell the  Secret Service such a thing?  Obviously, that authority had
   to have come from a very high level.
   
      The commission never really considered the possibility that anyone
   other than Oswald, by himself, had committed the crime.
      The president was murdered in Dallas, Texas.  By law, the crime of
   murder must be tried in the state where it was committed.  It remains
   to be tried today.   There  is no statute of limitations on the crime
   of murder.
      Why wasn't this done?   Oswald is dead, but that does not preclude
   a trial.   He  is  as  innocent of  that crime as anyone else until a
   court of law has found him guilty.   Given the available evidence, no
   court could convict him.
      These  experienced  men on the Warren Commission, particularly the
   chief justice of the Supreme Court, had to know that. 
      Why did the Texas authorities permit the removal of Kennedy's body
   from   Texas?    Why  did  they not hold an official autopsy? Why did  
   Dr. James Humes, the man who did  an  autopsy  at  Parkland  Memorial 
   Hospital in Dallas, burn his original notes?  
   
      For  those  in  far-off  Christchurch, New Zealand, ...the Kennedy 
   Assassination   took   place   at  7:30  on  the morning of Saturday,
   November 23, 1963.
      As soon as possible,  "The Christchurch Star" hit the streets with 
   an "Extra"  edition.   One quarter of the front page was devoted to a
   picture of President Kennedy.  The remainder of the page was, for the
   most part, dedicated to the  assassination story,  from various sour-
   ces.  Who were those sources, and how could such intimate and detail-
   ed information about Oswald have been obtained  instantaneously?   It 
   wasn't.  Like everything else, it had been pre-packaged by the secret
   cabal.
      This "instant" news is important.  Experienced on-the-spot report-
   ers in  Dallas  said the president was hit with a "burst of gunfire". 
   A few lines below, it said, "Three bursts of gunfire, apparently from
   automatic weapons" were heard.
      NBC-TV  had  reported  that  "the police had taken possession of a 
   British .303-inch rifle...with a telescopic sight."  That was not the
   rifle of the Warren Report.
      Another  account  stated  that "the getaway car was seized in Fort
   Worth." Whose getaway car?  Oswald never left Dallas.
      This type of sudden, quite random reporting is most important, be-
   cause one can usually  find the truth of what occurred in these early
   news  reports.   Later,  the "news" will be doctored and coordinated, 
   and will bear no resemblance to the original, true accounts.
      Experienced reporters travel in the presidential party.  They know 
   gunfire when they hear it, and they  reported  "bursts"  of  gunfire.
   They reported "automatic weapons".  They reported what they heard and
   saw.  They did not yet have propaganda handouts.
      Neither   the   FBI  nor  the Secret Service reported such action. 
   Since  automatic  weapons  were never found, it becomes apparent that
   these   reporters   on  the scene had heard simultaneous gunfire from 
   several  skilled  "mechanics"  or professional killers, and that this 
   simultaneous gunfire sounded like "bursts" of "automatic weapons".
      Nowhere does  the  Warren  Report mention the precision control of 
   several  guns,  yet  it is hard to discount the first, eyewitness re-
   ports from experienced men.
      On  the   other  hand,   almost  one-quarter of that front page in 
   Christchurch  was  taken up with detailed news items about Lee Harvey
   Oswald.  An excellent photograph of Oswald in a business suit and tie
   was included on page 3.
      At the time this early "Extra" of the Star had gone to press,  the
   police  of   Dallas   had just taken a young man into custody and had 
   charged him with the death of a Dallas policeman named Tippit.   They
   had not accused Oswald of the murder  of  the  president  and did not 
   charge him with that crime until early the next morning.   Yet a long
   article put on the wires by the British  United  Press  and America's 
   Associated Press had been assembled  out   of  nowhere,  even  before 
   Oswald had been charged with the crime.   It   was  pure  propaganda.  
   Where did those wire services get it?
      Nowadays, Oswald is a household name throughout  the world, but in
   Dallas at 12:30 p.m. on November 22,  1963,  he was a nondescript 24-
   year-old ex-Marine who was unknown to almost  everyone.   There is no
   way one can believe that these press agencies had all of the detailed
   information that was so quickly poured out in their files,  ready and
   on call, in those first hours after the assassination.
      In the long account  in  the  "Christchurch Star" about Lee Harvey 
   Oswald, which  included  a fine studio portrait, these press services 
   said, and the "Star" published, some very interesting information.
      According to the account, Lee Harvey Oswald:
       a. "defected to the Soviet Union in 1959"
       b. "returned to the United States in 1962"
       c. "has a [Russian] wife and child"
       d. "worked in Minsk in a factory"
       e. "went to the U.S.S.R. following discharge from the Marine 
           Corps"
       f. "became disillusioned with life there [in the U.S.S.R.]"
       g. "Soviet authorities had given him permission to return with 
           his wife and child"
       h. "had been chairman of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee"
       ...and much more.
      ...By what process could the wire services have acquired,  collat-
   ed, evaluated, written and then transmitted all that  material within 
   the first moments, even the  first  hours,  following that tragic and 
   "unexpected" event--even before the police had charged him?
      There can be  but  one  answer:  those in charge of the murder had
   prepared the patsy and all of that intimate information beforehand.
      Strangely, the FBI, the Secret Service, the Warren Commission, and
   the  Dallas  police force instantly declared Oswald to be the killer.  
   They  never  considered  any  other  possibilities.  The evidence was 
   never examined.   In newspapers around the world, even as far away as
   Christchurch,  New Zealand,  the headlines blared that Oswald was the 
   president's murderer.
   

   
   
      Lt. Day inspected the rifle briefly, then handed it to Capt. Fritz
   who had a puzzled look on his face.  Seymour Weitzman,  a deputy con-
   stable, was standing beside me at the time.   Weitzman  was an expert
   on  weapons.   He  had  been  in the sporting goods business for many  
   years and was familiar with all domestic and foreign weapons.   Capt.
   Fritz asked if anyone knew what what kind of rifle  it was.  Weitzman
   asked to see  it.   After a close examination (much longer than Fritz 
   or  Day's  examination)  Weitzman  declared that it was a 7.65 German 
   Mauser.  Fritz agreed with him.  
      [the Warren Commission claimed an Italian Mannlicher-Carcano 6.5 
       Caliber was the rifle owned by Oswald.]
      ...Later that afternoon I received word of the suspect' arrest and 
   fact  that  he  was   suspected  of being involved in the President's
   death.   I  immediately  thought  of  the man running down the grassy 
   knoll.   I made a telephone call to Capt. Will Fritz and gave him the 
   description of the man I had seen and Fritz  said,  "that sounds like 
   the suspect we have. Can you some up and take a look at him?"
      I arrived at Capt. Fritz office shortly after 4:30 p.m.  I was met 
   by  Agent Bookhout from the F.B.I., who took my name and place of em-
   ployment.   The door to Capt. Fritz' personal office was open and the
   blinds on the windows  were  closed,  so that one had to look through 
   the doorway in order to see into the room.  I looked through the open
   door at the request  of  Capt. Fritz and identified the man who I saw 
   running down  the  grassy knoll and enter the Rambler station wagon--
   and it WAS Lee Harvey Oswald.  Fritz and I entered his private office
   together. He told Oswald,  "This man (pointing to me) saw you leave." 
   At which time the suspect replied, "I told you people I did."  Fritz,
   apparently trying to console Oswald, said,  "Take it easy, son--we're
   just trying to find out what happened."  Fritz then said, "What about
   the  CAR?"  Oswald  replied,  leaning  forward on Fritz' desk,  "That 
   STATION  WAGON  belongs  to  MRS.  PAINE--don't  try to drag her into 
   this."   Sitting  back in his chair, Oswald said very disgustedly and 
   very  low,  "Everybody  will  know who I am now."  At this time Capt. 
   Fritz ushered me from his office, thanking me...
   
      I  was  convinced on November 22, 1963, and I am still sure, that
   the  man  entering  the  Rambler station wagon was Lee Harvey Oswald.
   After entering the Rambler, Oswald and his companion would only have
   had to drive six  blocks west on Elm Street and they would have been
   on  Beckley  Avenue  and  a straight shot to Oswald's rooming house.  
   The  Warren  Commission  could  not  accept this this even though it 
   might have  given  Oswald  time  to  kill  Tippit for having two men 
   involved would have made it a CONSPIRACY!
   
      ...Combine  the  foregoing with the run-in I had with Dave Belin, 
   junior counsel for the Warren Commission, who questioned me in April
   of 1964 and who changed my  testimony fourteen times when he sent it
   to Washington,  and  you will have some idea of the pressure brought 
   to bear.
      David Belin told me who he was  as  I  entered  the interrogation 
   room (April 1964).  He  had  me sit at the head of a long table.  To 
   my left was a  female  with a pencil and pen.  Belin sat to my right.  
   Between  the  girl  and  Belin was a tape recorder, which was turned 
   off.  Belin  instructed  the girl not to take notes until he (Belin)
   said to do so.   He  then  told  me that the investigation was being
   conducted to determine the truth as the evidence indicates.  Well, I
   could take that several  ways but I said nothing.   Then Belin said,  
   "For  instance,  I  will  ask you  where you were at a certain time.  
   This will establish  your  physical location."  It was at this point 
   that I began to feel that I was being led into something but still I
   said  nothing.   Then  Belin  said,  "I  will ask you about what you 
   thought  you  heard  or saw in regard."  Well, this was too much.  I 
   interrupted him and said, "Counselor,  just ask me the questions and 
   if I can answer them, I will."  This seemed to irritate Belin and he 
   told the girl to start taking notes with the next question.  At this 
   point Belin turned  the  recorder  on.   The   first  questions were 
   typical.   Where were you born?   Where did you go to school?   When 
   Belin would get to certain questions he would turn off the  recorder 
   and stop the girl from writing.   The he would ask me,  for example, 
   "Did   you   see   anything  unusual when you were behind the picket 
   fence?"   I  said,  "Yes"  and he said,  "Fine - just a minute."  He
   would then tell the girl to start writing with the next question and
   would again start the  recorder.   What was the next question?  "Mr.
   Craig, did you go into the  Texas  School  Book Depository?"  It was
   clear to me that he wanted only to record part of the interrogation,
   as this happened  many  times.  I finally managed to get in at least 
   most of what I had seen and heard by ignoring his advanced questions
   and giving a step by step picture,  which further seemed to irritate 
   him.  At the end of our session Belin dismissed me but when I start-
   ed to leave the room,  he called me back.  At this time I identified 
   the clothing wore by the  suspect  (the 26 volumes refer to a box of 
   clothing - not boxes.  There were two boxes.)...
      I first saw my  testimony in January of 1968 when I looked at the 
   26 volumes which belonged to Penn  Jones.   My alleged statement was 
   included.  The following are some  of  the  changes in my testimony:
   Arnold Rowland told me that he saw two men on the sixth floor of the
   Texas School Book Depository 15 minutes before the President  arriv-
   ed: one was a Negro, who was pacing back and forth by the  southwest
   window.   The other was a white man in the southeast corner,  with a 
   rifle equipped with a scope,  and that a few minutes later he looked 
   back and only the white man was there.   In  the  Warren Commission:  
   Both were white, both were pacing  in  front of the southwest corner 
   and when Rowland looked back,  both  were gone;   I said the Rambler 
   station wagon was light green.  The Warren Commission:  Changed to a
   white station wagon;   I said the driver of the Station Wagon had on
   a  tan  jacket.   The Warren Commission: A white jacket;  I said the 
   license  plates  on  the  Rambler  were  not the same color as Texas 
   plates.   The Warren Commission:   Omitted the not - omitted but one 
   word,  an important one, so that it appeared that the license plates 
   were the same color as Texas plates;   I said that I got a good look 
   at the driver of the Rambler.  The Warren Commission:  I did not get
   a good look at the Rambler.  (In  Captain Fritz's office) I had said 
   that Fritz had said to Oswald,  "This man saw you leave" (indicating 
   me).   Oswald  said,  "I  told  you people I did."  Fritz then said,
   "Now  take  it easy, son, we're just trying to find out what happen-
   ed",  and  then (to Oswald),  "What about the car?"  to which Oswald 
   replied,  "That  station  wagon belongs to Mrs. Paine.  Don't try to 
   drag her into this."  Fritz said car (station wagon was not mention-
   ed  by  anyone  but  Oswald)  (I had  told  Fritz over the telephone
   that  I  saw  a  man  get into a station wagon, before I went to the 
   Dallas Police Department and I had also described the man.   This is
   when Fritz asked me to come there.)  Oswald  then  said,  "Everybody
   will  know  who  I am now;"  the Warren Commission:  Stated that the 
   last statement by Oswald was made in a dramatic tone.   This was not
   so.  The  Warren  Commission also printed,  "NOW everybody will know 
   who I am", transposing the now.   Oswald's tone and attitude was one 
   of disappointment.  (If someone were attempting to conceal his iden-
   tity as Deputy  and  he  was  found out, exposed -- his cover blown,
   his reaction would be dismay and disappointment).  This was Oswald's
   tone and attitude--disappointment at being exposed!

      I  told  him  I knew of twelve arrests, one in particular made by 
   R.E. Vaughn of the Dallas Police Department.  The man Vaughn arrest-
   ed was coming from the Dal-Tex Building across from the Texas School
   Book  Depository.   The  only  thing which Vaughn knew about him was 
   that he was  an  independent  oil  operator from Houston,Texas.  The 
   prisoner was  taken from Vaughn by Dallas Police detectives and that 
   was  the  last  that  he saw or heard of the suspect.  Incidentally, 
   there  are  no  records  of any arrests, either by the Dallas Police 
   Department or the Sheriff's Office,  in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 
   1963.  Very strange!  Any and all arrests made during my eight years 
   as an officer were recorded.   It may not have been entered as a re-
   cord with  the  Identification  Bureau but a report was always typed 
   and a permanent record kept--if only in our case files.  A report on
   any  questioning  shows  a  reason  for your action and protects you 
   against  false  arrest.  I  am  saying  that  there is absolutely no 
   record in the case files or any place else.
   
--
                                            daveus rattus   

                                   yer friendly neighborhood ratman

    Dan Quayle's legislative aide was Rob Owen, who was intro-
    duced to John Hull in Quayle's senate office in 1983.

   "There are two governments.   There is the National Security Governement 
    which was put in place by the National Security Act of 1947.    That is 
    the real government of our country.  Then there is the cosmetic govern-
    ment--the government for show.  The ongoing presidential government and 
    congress, which is totally meaningless now."       -Gore Vidal

--
                                             daveus rattus   

                                   yer friendly neighborhood ratman

                              KOYAANISQATSI

   ko.yan.nis.qatsi (from the Hopi Language)  n.  1. crazy life.  2. life
     in turmoil.  3. life out of balance.  4. life disintegrating.  
     5. a state of life that calls for another way of living.